For the past ten years, my research has centered on regional food provisioning and exchange systems. Since 2014, our Malawian and American research team has focused on Lilongwe’s food economy, where it became evident very early on that collaborating with the municipal government was necessary to understanding and supporting city food systems. This is because a vibrant, equitably accessible, and remunerative urban food economy hinges on the material conditions of the city and its markets, and the extent to which people can access clean water, toilet facilities, electricity, sanitation services, secure trading spaces and storage facilities, decent drainage, and transportation. In other words, food provisioning and exchange that meets the needs of citizens requires the attention of public sector decision-makers and planners with the purview over city infrastructure and economic development.
Collaborating with the public sector is necessary because the widely distributed food exchange networks that feed most people in Africa will continue to be an important source of food and livelihood well into the future. Perhaps they even are the future. Though the public sector’s involvement is necessary by virtue of their responsibilities, the extent to which they can support food-related economic and physical infrastructure is severely limited. Like the retailers, transporters and markets for which they have responsibility, the public sector is severely resource-constrained.
Many African cities and towns are growing quickly; housing, markets, and economic activities emerge almost overnight in areas devoid of municipal infrastructure to support them. Municipal offices that would ostensibly be responsible for oversight exist, but are often functionally invisible on a day-to-day basis. Officials in these offices are commonly perceived to be rent-seeking, non-responsive, non-transparent, and overly aggressive, and they often are (see, for example the). But, even with the best of intentions, and under normal conditions, many city officials lack the tools, training, staff, and resources to respond constructively.
In the wake of Cyclone Idai, a number of observers remarked that the state was basically invisible in terms of any meaningful response to survivors. For many years, the capacity of the state has been stripped of resources through the application of structural adjustment policies, which marked the beginning of the fetishized private sector in Africa, and emphasized market liberalization and expenditure cuts to public infrastructure, education, social services, and research and extension.
In virtually all messaging from organizations concerned about mitigating and adapting to the effects of climate change, the primary responsibility “” falls to national governments. Cyclone Idai has revealed just how incapable Mozambique’s administrative state is of accomplishing the most basic of tasks;
Cyclone Idai has, in this case, revealed how unprepared Mozambique and Zimbabwe are. It is easy to blame pervasive internal corruption for this failure, but important to situate that corruption in an historical context. The run-of-the-mill dysfunction that characterizes much of Africa’s administrative state, and the relationships between government and citizens (like those in the Lilongwe food system), is an outcome, in large part, of colonial legacies and ongoing neocolonial conditionality. Anotes how “‘structural conditions’ can exert a deleterious effect on bureaucratic quality, as they increase the risk that bureaucrats fall prey to special interests and reduce the range of policy instruments available to bureaucrats…” Though this report concerns economic planning, these same obstructing conditions also apply to bureaucratic functioning writ large. For example, conditionality puts caps on spending and imposes limits on the number of personnel hired and the benefits that can be offered.
State capacity is a widely recognized determinant of bureaucratic policies and practices that serve citizen wellbeing. Ongoing conditionality, which serves free market ideology, degrades the capacity of the state. This does not bode well for the unfolding climate disaster that will require both immediate and long-term strategic planning; the ability to marshal scarce resources towards prevention and reaction; leveraging the capacity of different units of government through coordinated responses; supporting public research and extension systems to develop novel approaches; and communicating with communities about what they can do to reduce risk in a climate-changing world.
Dodman, D., & Satterthwaite, D. (2008). Institutional capacity, climate change adaptation and the urban poor. IDS Bulletin, vol. 39, no. 4. Institute of Development Studies
Reinsberg, B., Kentikelenis, A., Stubbs, T., & King, L. (2018). How structural adjustment programs impact bureaucratic quality in developing countries. Working Paper Series, No. 452. Political Economy Research Institute. University of Massachusetts Amherst (also, this discussion on the Real News Network: https://therealnews.com/stories/imfs-structural-adjustment-programs-weaken-states-they-aim-to)
Simone, A., & Pieterse, E. (2018). New urban worlds: Inhabiting dissonant times. John Wiley & Sons.